Do you want to go straight to a particular resource? Use the Jump Tool and follow 2 steps:
This can usually be found in the top hero section of overview, delegations visualize, session visualize, event visualize, commentary collection, commentary item, resource collection, and resource item pages.
Enter the shortcut code for the page that you wish to search for.
These documents were scanned, collated and catalogued by Ruth Murray, Annabel Harris, Isha Pareek, Eleanor Williams, Antoine Yenk, Harriet Carter, Oliver Nicholls, Kieran Wetherwick, and Cerys Griffiths.
Collection associations (1)
Already have an account? Login here
Don't have an account? Register here
Forgot your password? Click here to reset it
None
Copyright
None
Physical Copy Information
None
Digital Copy Information
None
FROM: I M BURNS, DUS (L)
Copy No 10 of 11
6 dECEMBER 1989
cc: PS/PUS (L&B) (3&4) - B
Mr Thomas (5) - B
Mr Miles (6) - B
Mr J McConnell (7) - B
Mr Daniell (8) - B
Mr Kirk (9) - B
PS/SECRETARY OF STATE (L&B) (1&2) - B
I handed to the Secretary of State last week some papers which John Hume had given me (a letter from the Cardinal, covering a letter from Frs Reid and Murray, which in turn enclosed a "proposal for a democratic overall political and diplomatic strategy for justice, peace and reconciliation"). Mr Hume had handed me these papers at Aldergrove Airport, and there had been no opportunity then either to read them or to discuss them. I saw him again this morning to exchange reactions.
2 . Mr Hume said flatly that he was against "all this". He was cross at the use (and the selective use) being made of the papers he had sent to Sinn Fein; he did not like Fr Murray's involvement ("he is a publicist") and reckoned that Fr Reid was so close to the Republicans that he interpreted everything with their point of view in mind. Hume said that he had advised (he did not say who the advice had gone to, but I assume he meant the Cardinal) against publication of the proposal. The proposal would not do any good, and if it were published Hume would speak out against it .. [Hume undoubtedly meant that when he said it, but we should not assume too readily that he will criticise the proposal, and implicitly the Cardinal, if it is published.]
I said that the proposal seemed to contain no effective recipe which would induce the Provisionals to give up violence - the mere prospect of a possible conference was scarcely going to bring them closer to abandoning violence than they had already come in their discussions with John Hume. And there was nothing in the proposal that seemed remotely attractive to the unionists, whom the writers seemed to assume should simply be told what to do, in the expectation that they would comply. I did not think the proposal was remotely workable.
I pointed out to Hume that in his covering letter the Cardinal had not actually commended the proposal himself - he had merely said that Frs Reid and Murray were convinced that the proposal would make a notable contribution.
Hume said that the Cardinal had to be careful, since he was here acting behind the backs of his hierarchy. He was in Hume's view, behaving unwisely. This led Hume on to say that he was very cross with O Fiaich for what he had said on Dublin hospital radio about British withdrawal. That was straightforward Provo language, and should not have been used. In an outburst of emotion, Hume said he felt the Cardinal was responsible for the death of the two Catholics murdered in the Ardboe: what the Cardinal, and far too many other people, did not realise was that the average Protestant in Northern Ireland saw the Cardinal as representing all Catholics. Hume's strong implication was that he did not!
SIGNED:
I M BURNS
6 December 1989
OAB 6447
DUSL/KR/13389
FROM: I M BURNS, DUS (L)
Copy No 10 of 11
6 dECEMBER 1989
cc: PS/PUS (L&B) (3&4) - B Mr Thomas (5) - B Mr Miles (6) - B Mr J McConnell (7) - B Mr Daniell (8) - B Mr Kirk (9) - B
PS/SECRETARY OF STATE (L&B) (1&2) - B
I handed to the Secretary of State last week some papers which John Hume had given me (a letter from the Cardinal, covering a letter from Frs Reid and Murray, which in turn enclosed a "proposal for a democratic overall political and diplomatic strategy for justice, peace and reconciliation"). Mr Hume had handed me these papers at Aldergrove Airport, and there had been no opportunity then either to read them or to discuss them. I saw him again this morning to exchange reactions.
2 . Mr Hume said flatly that he was against "all this". He was cross at the use (and the selective use) being made of the papers he had sent to Sinn Fein; he did not like Fr Murray's involvement ("he is a publicist") and reckoned that Fr Reid was so close to the Republicans that he interpreted everything with their point of view in mind. Hume said that he had advised (he did not say who the advice had gone to, but I assume he meant the Cardinal) against publication of the proposal. The proposal would not do any good, and if it were published Hume would speak out against it .. [Hume undoubtedly meant that when he said it, but we should not assume too readily that he will criticise the proposal, and implicitly the Cardinal, if it is published.]
I said that the proposal seemed to contain no effective recipe which would induce the Provisionals to give up violence - the mere prospect of a possible conference was scarcely going to bring them closer to abandoning violence than they had already come in their discussions with John Hume. And there was nothing in the proposal that seemed remotely attractive to the unionists, whom the writers seemed to assume should simply be told what to do, in the expectation that they would comply. I did not think the proposal was remotely workable.
I pointed out to Hume that in his covering letter the Cardinal had not actually commended the proposal himself - he had merely said that Frs Reid and Murray were convinced that the proposal would make a notable contribution.
Hume said that the Cardinal had to be careful, since he was here acting behind the backs of his hierarchy. He was in Hume's view, behaving unwisely. This led Hume on to say that he was very cross with O Fiaich for what he had said on Dublin hospital radio about British withdrawal. That was straightforward Provo language, and should not have been used. In an outburst of emotion, Hume said he felt the Cardinal was responsible for the death of the two Catholics murdered in the Ardboe: what the Cardinal, and far too many other people, did not realise was that the average Protestant in Northern Ireland saw the Cardinal as representing all Catholics. Hume's strong implication was that he did not!
SIGNED:
I M BURNS
6 December 1989 OAB 6447 DUSL/KR/13389
27 1987 - 1990
38 1993
55 1990 - 1991
64 1993 - 1997
26 1993
57 1993
59 1993
51 1993
18 1993
24 1993 - 1994
41 1993 - 1994
32 1993 - 1994
72 1993 - 1994
8 1989 - 1990
76 1993 - 1994
1 1994
60 1993
65 1993
37 1993
54 1993
32 1993
77 1993
59 1993
49 1993
61 1991 - 1992
38 1991
48 1992 - 1993
134 1993 - ?-??
59 1993 - 1993
84 1993
64 1991
42
9
31 1996 - 1996
61 196 - 1996
49 1996 - 1996
20 1996 - 1997
32 1996 - 1996
14 1996 - 1996
74 1996 - None
4 1996 - 1996
8 1996 - 1996
30 1996 - 1996
7 1996 - 1996
24 1996 - 1996
9 1996 - 1996
59 1996 - 1996
60 1996 - 1996
14 1996 - 1997
41 1996 - 1996
45 1996 - 1996
67 1996 - 1996
16 1996 - 1996
1989-12-06
This document provides an account of the meeting between Ian Burns and John Hume on 6 December 1989, where they exchanged reactions to the proposal enclosed in the letter by Father Alec Reid and Father Raymond Murray. Both Hume and Burns outlined reasons they deemed the proposal neither feasible nor useful, and also discussed the involvement of Cardinal Tomás Ó Fiaich in the Reid/Murray initiative.
N/A
N/A
Unless otherwise specified, this material falls under Crown Copyright and contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.
The National Archives of the UK (TNA), digitzed by the Quill Project at https://quillproject.net/resource_collections/351/.