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These documents were scanned, collated and catalogued by Ruth Murray, Annabel Harris, Isha Pareek, Eleanor Williams, Antoine Yenk, Harriet Carter, Oliver Nicholls, Kieran Wetherwick, and Cerys Griffiths.
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SECRET AND PERSONAL
ROM/843/89/SH
COPY NO6 OF 8
FROM R O MILES
US (POL)
22 AUGUST 1989
CC: PS/PUS (L&) [2&3]
Mr Stephens - [4]
Mr Deverell [5]
Mr McConnell [6]
MR DANIELL [No 1]
The PUS has asked me to put a couple of points to you to be added to the brief which you circulated on 22 August.
(a) It is not just this Government, but any British Government, that will find it impossible to give in to violence. The main argument for this proposition is the record of previous Labour Governments in Northern Ireland. Labour's current strategy document "Towards a United Ireland" says that the Labour Party rejects violence "not simply because the campaign of violence is abhorrent to the party and in direct conflict with the principles of democratic socialism" but because "the paramilitary campaign would lead to yet another partition of Ireland, rather than the ending of partition. At worst it could lead to civil war and sectarian blood letting on a hitherto unprecedented scale". The document rejects the argument for British withdrawal within a specific period, or irrespective of the likely consequences at the time, as being contrary to the principle of consent and as not necessarily leading to a United Ireland. On 14 August Mr Kinnock was reported by the Sun as saying "While the people of Northern Ireland continue to be maimed and murdered, the troops must remain".
(b) The argument that the British only understand and yield to violence, as demonstrated by their history of de-colonisation, is a profound misunderstanding - as was demonstrated, for example, in the case of the Falklands. De-colonisation has been based on the principle of consent. PIRA may see themselves in the role of a liberation movement, but this view is accepted by no one else inside or outside Ireland - they are rejected by the electorate here and in the Republic, and have no support in the world community or from other self-styled liberation movements such as the PLO, ANC etc.
2. I should like to make one further point which relates to the last sentence of the brief. While I agree that Father Reid is unlikely to bring the question of his own credentials and status to a head, I hope that Mr McConnell can be given discretion to try to steer him away from this course if he attempts it, rather than to break off the discussion.
[signed]
R O Miles
Ex 807
SECRET AND PERSONAL
ROM/843/89/SH COPY NO6 OF 8
FROM R O MILES US (POL)
22 AUGUST 1989
CC: PS/PUS (L&) [2&3] Mr Stephens - [4] Mr Deverell [5] Mr McConnell [6]
MR DANIELL [No 1]
The PUS has asked me to put a couple of points to you to be added to the brief which you circulated on 22 August.
(a) It is not just this Government, but any British Government, that will find it impossible to give in to violence. The main argument for this proposition is the record of previous Labour Governments in Northern Ireland. Labour's current strategy document "Towards a United Ireland" says that the Labour Party rejects violence "not simply because the campaign of violence is abhorrent to the party and in direct conflict with the principles of democratic socialism" but because "the paramilitary campaign would lead to yet another partition of Ireland, rather than the ending of partition. At worst it could lead to civil war and sectarian blood letting on a hitherto unprecedented scale". The document rejects the argument for British withdrawal within a specific period, or irrespective of the likely consequences at the time, as being contrary to the principle of consent and as not necessarily leading to a United Ireland. On 14 August Mr Kinnock was reported by the Sun as saying "While the people of Northern Ireland continue to be maimed and murdered, the troops must remain".
(b) The argument that the British only understand and yield to violence, as demonstrated by their history of de-colonisation, is a profound misunderstanding - as was demonstrated, for example, in the case of the Falklands. De-colonisation has been based on the principle of consent. PIRA may see themselves in the role of a liberation movement, but this view is accepted by no one else inside or outside Ireland - they are rejected by the electorate here and in the Republic, and have no support in the world community or from other self-styled liberation movements such as the PLO, ANC etc.
[signed]
R O Miles Ex 807
27 1987 - 1990
38 1993
55 1990 - 1991
64 1993 - 1997
26 1993
57 1993
59 1993
51 1993
18 1993
24 1993 - 1994
41 1993 - 1994
32 1993 - 1994
72 1993 - 1994
8 1989 - 1990
76 1993 - 1994
1 1994
60 1993
65 1993
37 1993
54 1993
32 1993
77 1993
59 1993
49 1993
61 1991 - 1992
38 1991
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134 1993 - ?-??
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84 1993
64 1991
42
9
31 1996 - 1996
61 196 - 1996
49 1996 - 1996
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67 1996 - 1996
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1989-08-22
The memo contains text on the position of the British Government on political violence which was to be inserted in the briefing circulated by Jim Daniell on 22 August 1989 for John McConnell's discussion with Father Alec Reid. It also emphasizes that McConnell should steer the conversation away from the topic of Reid's status and credentials.
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Unless otherwise specified, this material falls under Crown Copyright and contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.
The National Archives of the UK (TNA), digitzed by the Quill Project at https://quillproject.net/resource_collections/351/.