Do you want to go straight to a particular resource? Use the Jump Tool and follow 2 steps:
This can usually be found in the top hero section of overview, delegations visualize, session visualize, event visualize, commentary collection, commentary item, resource collection, and resource item pages.
Enter the shortcut code for the page that you wish to search for.
These documents were scanned, collated and catalogued by Ruth Murray, Annabel Harris, Isha Pareek, Eleanor Williams, Antoine Yenk, Harriet Carter, Oliver Nicholls, Kieran Wetherwick, and Cerys Griffiths.
Collection associations (0)
None
Already have an account? Login here
Don't have an account? Register here
Forgot your password? Click here to reset it
None
None
Copyright
None
Physical Copy Information
None
Digital Copy Information
None
INTERVIEWER:
But if they turned round later on and said: “OK! We’ll renounce violence!”, is that the avenue they would have to have to get into these talks?
MR. BROOKE:
Whether it would be in these talks one can’t tell because one does not know what in fact is going to be happening but what is absolutely clear is that until violence is renounced – and I don’t just mean a ceasefire, I mean the laying down of arms – there isn’t a place among the other constitutional parties for talking to Sinn Fein.
INTERVIEWER:
So as far as the other political parties are concerned, you are looking for a decrease in violence?
MR. BROOKE:
Yes, in the sense that the purpose of the talks – in addition to the restoration of constitutional democracy in Northern Ireland – is to put further pressure on the terrorists and in that sense bring nearer the day when terrorism is brought to a conclusion.
INTERVIEWER:
The 1990s – what is your long-term objective in terms of the political development of Northern Ireland?
INTERVIEWER:
But if they turned round later on and said: “OK! We’ll renounce violence!”, is that the avenue they would have to have to get into these talks?
MR. BROOKE:
Whether it would be in these talks one can’t tell because one does not know what in fact is going to be happening but what is absolutely clear is that until violence is renounced – and I don’t just mean a ceasefire, I mean the laying down of arms – there isn’t a place among the other constitutional parties for talking to Sinn Fein.
INTERVIEWER:
So as far as the other political parties are concerned, you are looking for a decrease in violence?
MR. BROOKE:
Yes, in the sense that the purpose of the talks – in addition to the restoration of constitutional democracy in Northern Ireland – is to put further pressure on the terrorists and in that sense bring nearer the day when terrorism is brought to a conclusion.
INTERVIEWER:
The 1990s – what is your long-term objective in terms of the political development of Northern Ireland?
27 1987 - 1990
38 1993
55 1990 - 1991
64 1993 - 1997
26 1993
57 1993
59 1993
51 1993
18 1993
24 1993 - 1994
41 1993 - 1994
32 1993 - 1994
72 1993 - 1994
8 1989 - 1990
76 1993 - 1994
1 1994
60 1993
65 1993
37 1993
54 1993
32 1993
77 1993
59 1993
49 1993
61 1991 - 1992
38 1991
48 1992 - 1993
134 1993 - ?-??
59 1993 - 1993
84 1993
64 1991
42
9
31 1996 - 1996
61 196 - 1996
49 1996 - 1996
20 1996 - 1997
32 1996 - 1996
14 1996 - 1996
74 1996 - None
4 1996 - 1996
8 1996 - 1996
30 1996 - 1996
7 1996 - 1996
24 1996 - 1996
9 1996 - 1996
59 1996 - 1996
60 1996 - 1996
14 1996 - 1997
41 1996 - 1996
45 1996 - 1996
67 1996 - 1996
16 1996 - 1996
None
This is the transcript for part of an interview of Peter Brooke, conducted in London on 27 March 1991. The document records the exchange between Brooke and the interviewer about the purpose of the political talks and the terms on which Sinn Féin would be allowed to take part in the dialogue. The document is annotated and marked.
No Associations
N/A
N/A
Unless otherwise specified, this material falls under Crown Copyright and contains public sector information licensed under the Open Government Licence v3.0.
The National Archives of the UK (TNA), digitzed by the Quill Project at https://quillproject.net/resource_collections/351/.