This project models the series of formal and informal negotiations which led to the publication, in December 1993, of a declaration issued jointly by the British and Irish Governments. The Joint Declaration was a critical policy document which paved the way for a ceasefire and the entry of Sinn Féin into formal talks. It also laid out a shared set of principles – including, crucially, self-determination for the people of Ireland subject to the consent of the people of Northern Ireland – which would come to underpin the Belfast Good Friday Agreement and provide a framework for its ratification.
This committee has been created to model internal British Government documents and meetings.
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[Exact time unknown] Cooke wrote a message addressing the second point of Watkins' minute of 1 October 1993. Tony Beeton wrote to Jonathan Stephens enclosing several documents regarding a meeting with the Prime Minister. David Fell met the journalist Eamonn Mallie for lunch.
Membership (at session start):
Michael Ancram, Kenneth Baker, Tony Beeton, David Blatherwick, John Blelloch, Ian Burns, Robin Butler, John Chilcot, David Cooke, Jim Daniell, Timothy Daunt, John Deverell, William Fittall, David Gillmore, Christopher Glyn-Jones, Richard Gozney, Douglas Hurd, Roderic Lyne, John Major, Jonathan Margetts, Peter May, Patrick Mayhew, John McConnell, David McIlroy , Danny McNeill, R. O. Miles, Anthony Pawson, Christopher Prentice , Stephen Rickard, A W Stephens, Jonathan Stephens, Quentin Thomas, Stephen Wall (33 total)
Representing 1 delegations:
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This is a handwritten note with unclear authorship. The subject and wording of the notes mirror a speaking note sent by Tony Beeton for Patrick Mayhew suggesting this could be an earlier draft. It certainly concerns JD12 and is unfinished, which further suggests that this later became the speaking note mentioned above.
The Declaration will set out that for Northern Ireland to unite with the Republic of Ireland there has to be agreement and consent of the people of Northern Ireland. Thus, it confirmed Irish self-determination but with this stringent condition. Albert Reynolds, Taoiseach, believes this will lead to a ceasefire. It also would establish a permanent Irish Convention which would be open to all parties with elected representation, which included Sinn Féin. The document then states that the advantage for the British Government here is that it commits it to doing very little or changing much strategy - it is the Irish Government who bear the brunt. The document then discusses the problem of self-determination and its different meaning in the Irish context and the question of a constitutional guarantee. Naturally, most contentions are around the specificity of the language being used. This document is for potential briefing of other ministers or stakeholders.
This document provides a comprehensive account of the Joint Declaration initiative, beginning with its inception during a meeting between John Major and then Taoiseach Charles Haughey on 4 December 1991. It follows the evolution of the initiative, including discussions between John Hume and Gerry Adams, which led the Irish Government to believe that it could pave the way for PIRA to declare a permanent ceasefire. The document tracks the various discussions and drafts exchanged, particularly through channels involving Dermot Nally on the Irish side and Robin Butler on the British side.
This document sets out the possible outcomes and next steps of talks depending on the reaction to the current draft JD12.
This speaking note was prepared by Tony Beeton for Patrick Mayhew's use for his meeting with John Major on 14 October 1993. It recommends that, provided the Irish Government accepted their proposed amendments to the text, the British Government go ahead with the Joint Declaration Initiative. It also describes how and why they needed to show the text of the Declaration along with the proposed amendment to James Molyneaux, and what the next steps of the Initiative would entail. The document is also heavily annotated with notes in pencil, although the identity of the annotator is uncertain.
This minute provides a summary of the issues that were on the agenda for the meeting between Patrick Mayhew and Prime Minister John Major on 14 October 1993. It elaborates on the course of action that was required for each issue, including that of briefing James Molyneaux as well as other members of the British Government apparatus about the Joint Initiative. Another important action point was fixing the timeline for PIRA's cessation of violence. Beeton also notes that they were going to seek clarification from the Irish Government about the next steps of the initiative, specifically regarding the proposed Convention and preparation of press lines. The document encloses speaking notes for Mayhew, two annexes dealing with the background and history of the Joint Declaration, and a further annex that details the possible outcomes and next steps of the Initiative.
This document provides an account of a meeting between Eamonn Mallie and David Fell on 13 October 1993. Mallie, who was well connected to the Republican movement, discussed with Fell about the motivations of the Republican Movement and the SDLP with regards to the document handed to the Irish Government by John Hume and Gerry Adams. Mallie also explained the reasons for Hume and Adam's joint statement's release date, just as Hume was travelling to the USA. He also warned Fell that South Armagh PIRA was interested in ending their campaign of violence with 'a bang'.
This document provides the corrected text of paragraph 5 of a previous telegram (TEL NO 333), which discussed the part of Adams' press conference where he referred to the Joint Declaration. Adams' public position was that self-determination should be defined in terms of the entire island of Ireland and that unionists should not be able to veto that.
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