This project models the series of formal and informal negotiations which led to the publication, in December 1993, of a declaration issued jointly by the British and Irish Governments. The Joint Declaration was a critical policy document which paved the way for a ceasefire and the entry of Sinn Féin into formal talks. It also laid out a shared set of principles – including, crucially, self-determination for the people of Ireland subject to the consent of the people of Northern Ireland – which would come to underpin the Belfast Good Friday Agreement and provide a framework for its ratification.
This committee has been created to model internal British Government documents and meetings.
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[Exact time unknown] Quentin Thomas reported back the version of the text which was agreed ad referendum, with some pending amendments, during the Butler-Nally meeting on 6 October 1993 (JD11). He also made some suggestions of his own about what Irish amendments to the text might look like, which caused the versions of JD11 in both Government committees to diverge slightly.
Membership (at session start):
Michael Ancram, Kenneth Baker, Tony Beeton, David Blatherwick, John Blelloch, Ian Burns, Robin Butler, John Chilcot, David Cooke, Jim Daniell, Timothy Daunt, John Deverell, William Fittall, David Gillmore, Christopher Glyn-Jones, Richard Gozney, Douglas Hurd, Roderic Lyne, John Major, Jonathan Margetts, Peter May, Patrick Mayhew, John McConnell, David McIlroy , Danny McNeill, R. O. Miles, Anthony Pawson, Christopher Prentice , Stephen Rickard, A W Stephens, Jonathan Stephens, Quentin Thomas, Stephen Wall (33 total)
Representing 1 delegations:
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Resource Items (11):
This document contains the draft JD11 that was produced on the basis of the changes that were agreed in the Butler/Nally meeting on 6 October 1993. The bracketed text indicates the changes in the text that the Irish and British delegations agreed on.
This document contains the draft JD10 which was given to Robin Butler by the Irish delegation on 6 October 1993. The document begins by stating the joint desire to end violence and conflict in Northern Ireland. The beginning of paragraph four is lifted from former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Peter Brooke's 9 November 1990 Whitbread speech, which reaffirmed Britain's "neutral" position in Northern Ireland and recognised that self-determination dictated that, with the consent of the majority, Northern Ireland could withdraw from the United Kingdom. The Irish Government also committed to establishing a permanent Convention to discuss the steps required to remove the barrier of distrust between the peoples of Ireland. This Convention would be open to democratically mandated parties so long as they openly condemned violence.
Draft of the Joint Declaration including amendments tabled and discussed during the 6 October 1993 Butler/Nally Group meeting.
Draft of the Joint Declaration submitted by the Irish government. Discussed at the 6/10/1993 meeting of the Butler/Nally group with input and critique frrom the British. Was amended during that meeting to produce JD11.
This document provides an account of the meeting that took place between Robin Butler and Dermot Nally on 6 October 1993. The note records that the Irish Government accepted that contacting Jim Molyneaux of the UUP was necessary to reassure the Unionist side. Butler also set out points of concern for the British Government, and noted that they would require reassurances from the Irish Government on the same. They discussed John Hume and Gerry Adams' joint statement and the purpose of the Joint Declaration Initiative as envisioned by the Irish Government. Nally handed over draft JD10 (enclosed) to Butler, and they discussed the various amendments in the new text. The British Government delegation urged the Irish side for a more stringent constitutional guarantee, and the Irish side expressed concern that this would anger the Provisionals. Both sides discussed the next steps, and on the best time for the Declaration to be released.
Key discussion points: how to manage Unionist opinion of a Joint Declaration: Irish anxious that the process would not depend on Molyneaux approval. British accepted but proposed a number of their own conditions: that the JDI be compatible with the Talks process, that Sinn Fein be thoroughly quarantined (following the end of violence) along their road to joining negotiations, and that the Irish government assure that the JDI would lead the PIRA to cease violence. Both sides perceived the Hume report to the Irish government, following his talks with Gerry Adams, as problematic for the JDI. The British perceived it as fatal. Differences remained over aspects of the new draft (JD10) that was discussed. Particularly, the British were nervous about the reference to the Irish constitution, and wanted more language pertaining to their own constitutional guarantee of the union. This latter point proved particularly thorny - debate continued over whether it mattered that the Provisionals did not accept the constitutional guarantee given the phrasing would frame it as a conviction only of the British government. The British framed this issue as crucial for the whole future process. The British are especially keen to retain plausible deniability of their involvement in the JDI should it go wrong (i.e. Loyalist backlash, failure to secure Provisional ceasefire).
The document summarises the central positions at the heart of the Declaration proposal and talks with the Irish Government. This includes the likely reception both in Britain and Ireland to the Joint Declaration. The latest improvements to the text that hint at a constitutional guarantee that Northern Ireland requires consent to leave the United Kingdom are welcomed but not explicit enough, hence this documents concern with emphasising the importance of securing these in explicit terms. The issue of securing Jim Molyneaux of the UUP's support is also set out. For Mayhew, if both those issues are fixed then the Joint Declaration is worth the risk, which includes that the Provisionalists find the constitutional guarantee unacceptable. This annotated draft differs from that sent by Patrick Mayhew to Prime Minister John Major and includes large written sections as well as notations. Page 6 is a written Section 8. Large sections have been crossed out but are still legible.
Cover fax for an enclosed document that sets out the key considerations for a 14 October 1993 meeting with Prime Minister John Major.
As well as enclosing a record of the Nally/Butler/ Ó hUiginn meeting, Thomas outlines predicted next steps for the Liasion Group in transacting with the Irish government following agreements made at the meeting. The context of the Hume/Adams meeting, and the corresponding publicity and public expectation, was a key discussion point.
This covering memo has been struck out.
This document contains a memo that was sent by Quentin Thomas to Jonathan Stephen. Thomas reported on the three main actions points for the Irish Government to pursue. The third of these actions included the Taoiseach Albert Reynolds reassuring Prime Minister John Major about Irish expectations and intentions with regards to the Joint Declaration. The document encloses a note of the Butler/Nally meeting from 6 October 1993, and copies of JD10 and JD11.
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