This project models the series of formal and informal negotiations which led to the publication, in December 1993, of a declaration issued jointly by the British and Irish Governments. The Joint Declaration was a critical policy document which paved the way for a ceasefire and the entry of Sinn Féin into formal talks. It also laid out a shared set of principles – including, crucially, self-determination for the people of Ireland subject to the consent of the people of Northern Ireland – which would come to underpin the Belfast Good Friday Agreement and provide a framework for its ratification.
This committee has been created to model internal British Government documents and meetings.
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[Exact time unknown] Quentin Thomas briefed Robin Butler and Jonathan Stephens on the upcoming Butler/Nally meeting scheduled for 10 November 1993. David Cooke submitted supplementary briefing material for John Major for his meetings with Molyneaux and Paisley on 9 November 1993.
Membership (at session start):
Michael Ancram, Kenneth Baker, Tony Beeton, David Blatherwick, John Blelloch, Ian Burns, Robin Butler, John Chilcot, Ken Clarke, David Cooke, Jim Daniell, Timothy Daunt, John Deverell, David Fell, William Fittall, David Gillmore, Christopher Glyn-Jones, Richard Gozney, Michael Howard, Douglas Hurd, Roderic Lyne, John Major, Jonathan Margetts, Peter May, Patrick Mayhew, John McConnell, David McIlroy , Danny McNeill, R. O. Miles, Anthony Pawson, Christopher Prentice , Stephen Rickard, Malcolm Rifkind , A W Stephens, Jonathan Stephens, Quentin Thomas, Stephen Wall (37 total)
Representing 1 delegations:
No imported or exported documents
Resources (6):
Resource Collections (0):
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Resource Items (6):
Aide-mémoire from Quentin Thomas for Robin Butler for the Butler/Nally meeting on 10 November 1993. Notes that the Irish side has requested the meeting to test new 'ecclesiastical language' and suspects the involvement of Archbishop Eames. Gives a summary of the most recent texts of the Joint Declaration (mistakenly identifying JD12 as JD11). Sets out British objectives, which are broadly to show interest in the new language without commitment to re-open negotiations on it; and to push a return to the Talks process, emphasising that peace cannot be a precondition for Talks.
A list of key points reassuring Paisley and Molyneaux that the British government is committed to the talks process with the constitutional parties and does not see Hume/Adams talks as the principal pathway to peace, regardless of the pressure on Albert Reynolds.
Most of this is illegible to my eyes. It seems to be a framework document for the meeting suggesting possible British lines. It seems to echo the British position seen elsewhere of circumspection about the implementation and delivery of the JDI given the need to placate Unionist/Loyalist sentiment.
Letter enclosing NIO briefing notes for the Prime Minister before meeting Unionist politicians Jim Molyneaux and Ian Paisley. The briefing contains points on the Hume/Adams talks and the JDI. Quentin Thomas was also copied in.
Letter from Quentin Thomas to Jonathan Stephens laying out some contextual information for the Butler/Nally meeting on 10 November 1993. Thomas notes that the Irish side called the meeting to propose some new 'ecclesiastical language' and suspects the involvement of Archbishop Eames. Raises the possibility of a firm response that would distance HMG not only from Hume/Adams but from Hume personally and from the Irish government's peace process, but accepts that this may well have a negative impact on the Talks process.
Letter from Quentin Thomas to Robin Butler attaching a brief aide-mémoire for the Butler/Nally meeting on 10 November 1993. Notes that although Butler can only give the Irish side an hour, he and Chilcot could continue the meeting at the Northern Ireland Office if necessary.
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