Northern Ireland Downing Street Joint Declaration (1993)

This project models the series of formal and informal negotiations which led to the publication, in December 1993, of a declaration issued jointly by the British and Irish Governments. The Joint Declaration was a critical policy document which paved the way for a ceasefire and the entry of Sinn Féin into formal talks. It also laid out a shared set of principles – including, crucially, self-determination for the people of Ireland subject to the consent of the people of Northern Ireland – which would come to underpin the Belfast Good Friday Agreement and provide a framework for its ratification.

British Government

This committee has been created to model internal British Government documents and meetings.

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Session 21100: 1993-09-27 12:00:00

[Exact time unknown] Quentin Thomas drafted a letter to Roderic Lyne which included a record of his meeting with Ó hUiginn on 24 September 1993, a copy of JD8 which was handed over during the meeting, and his comments on JD8. It also included a possible British version of paragraph 4 which might or might not be shown to the Irish delegation. This letter was amended and sent. A set of lines to take on Hume/Adams was also established.

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Enclosure: Annex A To Note For The Record By Quentin Thomas Revising Paragraph 4 And Suggesting Lines To Take For The British Government - (file)

Quentin Thomas encloses a revised version of paragraph 4 of the Joint Declaration draft 8 for the eyes of 10 Downing Street, the Foreign Office, and others in the Northern Ireland Office. He offers lines to take off the back of this, including the following: renewed commitment to eschewing talks with violent political actors, commitment to a ceasefire, emphasis on British impartiality (particualrly with reference to the recent talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams), renewed commitment to parallel talks with constitutional parties in Northern Ireland.

Enclosure: Commentary by Quentin Thomas on Draft Eight of the Joint Declaration Submitted by the Irish Government and Record of Discussion with Seán Ó hUiginn - (file)

Quentin Thomas encloses a record of a meeting between himself and Seán Ó hUiginn discussing the Joint Declaration Initiative, particularly a new draft (JD8) presented by the Irish government, of which Ó hUiginn was the principal author. This conversation was a preliminary meeting to a scheduled meeting of the Liaison Group in Dublin on 1st October, where principles and language relevant to the Joint Declaration Initiative (JDI) were to be discussed. The Irish government continued to prefer the JDI to overt political development and had resolved to exclude the Provisionals until the British could be brought onboard with the document's phrasing. Discussion between Thomas and Ó hUiginn centred on paragraph 4. Issues raised by the British government included silence in the draft on: the constitutional guarantee, reform of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution. Also problematic were references to irish 'unity' and 'self-determination for Ireland as a whole'. The Irish government remained enthusiastic about the JDI following this discussion. The important context of the talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams - and how far these involved knowledge of the JDI - is discussed in a postscript.

Enclosure: Commentary by Quentin Thomas on Draft Eight of the Joint Declaration Submitted by the Irish Government and Record of Discussion with Seán Ó hUiginn - (file)

Quentin Thomas encloses a record of a meeting between himself and Seán Ó hUiginn discussing the Joint Declaration Initiative, particularly a new draft (JD8) presented by the Irish government, of which Ó hUiginn was the principal author. This conversation was a preliminary meeting to a scheduled meeting of the Liaison Group in Dublin on 1st October, where principles and language relevant to the Joint Declaration Initiative (JDI) were to be discussed. The Irish government continued to prefer the JDI to overt political development and had resolved to exclude the Provisionals until the British could be brought onboard with the document's phrasing. Discussion between Thomas and Ó hUiginn centred on paragraph 4. Issues raised by the British government included silence in the draft on: the constitutional guarantee, reform of Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution. Also problematic were references to irish 'unity' and 'self-determination for Ireland as a whole'. The Irish government remained enthusiastic about the JDI following this discussion. The important context of the talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams - and how far these involved knowledge of the JDI - is discussed in a postscript.

Letter from Quentin Thomas to Jonathan Stephens Recording a Meeting with Seán Ó hUiginn about the Joint Declaration Initiative On 24 September 1993 and Enclosing a Minute Sent to 10 Downing Street - (file)

Quentin Thomas informs the foreign office of the content of a recent meeting with Seán Ó hUiginn. The latter emphasised that the recent talks between John Hume and Gerry Adams were separate to the Joint Declaration Initiative (JDI) and that a draft had not been shared with the Provisionals. British concerns about the JDI include: uncertainty about impact on republican and loyalist violence, trepidation about impact on talks with constitutional parties in Northern Ireland (particularly predicted unionist sense of betrayal), effect on British and international opinion. There was also the question of the most approrpriate role for the British government.

Letter from Quentin Thomas to Roderic Lyne Discussing New Joint Declaration Draft from the Irish Government and Enclosing Commentary on the Draft - (file)

Letter from the Northern Ireland Office to 10 Downing Street advising John Major of Patrick Mayhew's view on the recent draft (eight) of the Joint Declaration document and the publicity surrounding the Hume/Adams talks. The Irish government prefer their draft to a joint assessment following continued overt talks (quick fix, avoids potential referendum on Articles 2 and 3 of the constitution). NI Office notes that the draft is an improvement but a number of factors remain important to consider when deciding whether to follow the line set by Hume and the Taoiseach. These include: the extent of HMG involvement, the prospects for such a draft ending Provisional and Loyalist violence, the impact on the existing Talks process (particularly noting constitutional Unionist suspicion), the effect on opinion in Great Britain and internationally. Paragraph 4 and the need to sensitively define 'self-detemination' remains an issue. Resolution to engage with the Irish government and remain committed to non-engagement with violent actors. Letter also sent to Robin Butler and David Gillmore.


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