Northern Ireland Forum for Political Dialogue

The Forum for Political Dialogue met between 1996 and 1998 in Belfast as part of the negotiations that led to the Good Friday Agreement.

Standing Committee A

To examine the problems which arise in relation to parades in Northern Ireland, make recommendations which would contribute to better understanding and amelioration of those problems and report to the Forum by 31 December 1996. From 10 October 1996 the Committee's remit is changed to Public Order Issues: To examine the problems which arise in relation to parades in Northern Ireland, make recommendations which would contribute to better understanding and amelioration of those problems, and report to the Forum and to examine the problems of boycotting in Northern Ireland, make recommendations which would help resolve them, and report to the Forum. From October 1997 the Committee is re-established as the Political Affairs Committee. [Note that the Committee is alleged to meet every Thursday but we do not have records of their meetings. To avoid speculation on meeting dates we have only modelled sessions which we know took place.]

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Review of the Parades Issue in Northern Ireland

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NORTHERN IRELAND FORUM

FOR

POLITICAL DIALOGUE

_____________________

REVIEW OF

THE PARADES ISSUE

IN NORTHERN IRELAND

by

STANDING COMMITTEE A

(PUBLIC ORDER ISSUES)

VOLUME I

Presented to the Northern Ireland Forum for Political Dialogue

on 20 June 1997

CR9

Adopted: 20 June 1997

Note

DRAFT REPORTS

This report has been prepared by Standing

Committee A for the consideration of the Northern

Ireland Forum for Political Dialogue. Until adopted

by the Forum in accordance with its Rules, this

report may not be reproduced in whole or in part or

used for broadcast purposes.

REVIEW OF

THE PARADES ISSUE

IN NORTHERN IRELAND

VOLUME I

CONTENTS

PAGE

1. INTRODUCTION 1

2. BACKGROUND 4

3. POINTS ARISING FROM EVIDENCE 12

4. INDEPENDENT REVIEW OF PARADES

AND MARCHES 20

5. FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS 23

6. RECOMMENDATIONS 43

Appendix A - Membership of Committee

Appendix B - Groups and Organisations invited to make

submissions to the Committee

Appendix C - List of Written and Oral Evidence received by

the Committee

REVIEW OF THE

PARADES ISSUE

IN NORTHERN IRELAND

1. INTRODUCTION

1.1 At the last plenary meeting of the Forum before the Summer Recess

held on Friday 26 July 1996, it was agreed, inter alia, that a Committee

be set up with the following terms of reference:

"To examine the problems which arise in relation to parades in

Northern Ireland, make recommendations which would contribute

to better understanding and amelioration of those problems and

report to the Forum."

1.2 During the Summer Recess, advertisements seeking written

submissions from interested groups and individuals were placed in the

Northern Ireland morning and evening newspapers.

1.3 The Forum reconvened after the Summer Recess on Friday

6 September 1996 and on Thursday 12 September the first meeting of

the Parades Committee was held at which Mr Cedric Wilson was

elected Chairman. The membership of the Committee is listed at

Appendix A.

1.4 Following this meeting the Committee decided to write to the specific

groups and organisations listed at Appendix B inviting written

submissions. In addition, the Committee decided to distribute leaflets

seeking written submissions throughout the local libraries and Training

and Employment Agency (T&EA) Branches across the Province.

1.5 On 4 October 1996 it was agreed by the Forum that the existing

Committees established on 26 July should become Standing

Committees whose remit, terms of reference and membership could be

determined as new topics are agreed by the Forum.

1.6 The Parades Committee was designated Standing Committee A, with a

current remit of Public Order Issues. The terms of reference of the

newly constituted Committee covered not only the Parades issue, but

also the problems of boycotting in Northern Ireland.

1.7 The Committee's findings on the Review of Boycotting were published

in a report which was presented to the Forum on 13 December 1996.

1.8 As part of the review of the parades issue the Committee examined all

the written evidence received, and took oral evidence from various

groups and individuals; a list of the evidence received and taken by the

Committee is attached at Appendix C.

1.9 Given the sensitive nature of the Parades issue the Committee is very

grateful to those groups and organisations who readily agreed to give

evidence to the Committee.

1

1.10 The 'North Report', a report by an Independent Review Team set up by

the Secretary of State to make recommendations on the management of

controversial parades was debated in the Forum on 31 January 1997

and 7 February 1997. A full Record of the debate is available from the

Forum Secretariat and a brief summary of the main recommendations

of the North Report are contained in Chapter 4 of this report.

2

2. BACKGROUND

2.1 Parading has always played and continues to play an important part in

the fabric of Northern Ireland society, and is a particularly important

part of the Protestant culture and tradition. The main Groups in

Northern Ireland who organise Parades are:

The Loyal Orders - The Orange Order

The Royal Black Institution

The Apprentice Boys of Derry

Nationalist Organisations - Ancient Order of Hibernians

Irish Nationalist Foresters

Youth and Church-based - The Boys and Girls Brigade

Organisations The Boy Scouts and Girl Guides

Armed forces - Royal British Legion

Regimental Associations

2.2 The Loyal Orders and Bands are responsible for organising the vast

majority of Parades as can be seen from the table below.

Total Loyalist Nationalists Other

1995 3,500 2,581 302 617

1996* 2,691 2,161 209 321

* to end of September 19961

1996 saw a significant increase on the number of Parades being

disputed, however these only amounted to approximately 1% of the total

number of Parades.

1

Source: RUC

3

2.3 The following legislative changes are regarded as having a significant

impact on parades:

1951 Public Order Act (NI) was introduced which

required that prior notification should be given of

all public processions, with the exception of those

customarily held along a particular route.

1970 Public Order (Amendment) Act (NI) was

introduced which increased the required notice

from 48 hours to three days and required the

police to take into account who gave notice first

and the ‘desirability of not interfering with a public

procession customarily held along a particular

route'.

1971 Public Order (Amendment) Act (NI) was

introduced which increased the required notice to

five days and extended the grounds for imposing

conditions, re-routing and banning to include

‘undue hardship to persons working or carrying

on business’ and undue demands on police

manpower.

1987 Public Order (Northern Ireland) Order was

introduced which increased the required notice to

7 days and extended grounds for imposing

4

conditions, re-routing and banning to include the

threat of (i) serious public disorder; (ii) serious

damage to property; (iii) serious disruption to life

in the community; (iv) intimidation and (v) undue

demands on police power. This Order also

removed special recognition for traditional Parades

and included provisions for the Secretary of State

to intervene without police advice.

2.4 Unionists/Loyalists believe that the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement

in 1985 which allowed the Government of the Republic of Ireland to

interfere in the internal affairs of Northern Ireland has been a

contributing factor behind the decisions taken by the RUC to ban or

re-route parades.

2.5 Parades have historically attracted an element of civil disturbances and

conflicts mainly as a result of the divided society in Northern Ireland.

However, a recent spate of organised disturbances and protests appear

to have emerged since the cease-fires of 1994. There are many different

reasons given for the commencement of these protests as can be seen

from the minutes of evidence contained in Volume II of the report.

However the evidence taken by the Committee shows that many believe

that the disturbances surrounding parades have occurred because of the

inadequacies of the Public Order (NI) Order 1987 which are explained

in paragraph 3.7.

5

2.6 1985/86 saw the start of a re-routing controversy in Portadown. The

then Chief Constable ruled that the route traditionally taken by the

Orange Order on the outward journey from Portadown to a traditional

service in Drumcree Parish Church passed through a Roman Catholic

area and was not therefore a suitable route for the Orange parade to

take. However, with regard to the return journey from Drumcree to

Portadown he judged that the Garvaghy Road as an main arterial route

with fewer houses facing onto the road itself would be suitable for the

Orange parade to walk along on their return journey. Reluctantly the

Orange Order accepted a re-routing of the outward journey of their

parade.

2.7 Arguments over the re-routing and banning of other Orange Parades

through Portadown and other areas continued throughout the summer

of 1985 and 1986 with disturbances and protests in towns and villages

throughout the Province. During the period 1987 - 1994 opposition to

parades by Loyal Orders continued but not to the same scale as

1985/86.

1995

2.8 1995 saw the start of the current wave of protests and disturbances. In

early 1995, members of the Lower Ormeau Concerned Community

(LOCC) put up posters on the Ormeau Road indicating ‘No Orangemen

allowed on this road’ in an attempt to re-launch the campaign to have

Loyalist Parades re-routed away from Lower Ormeau, originally

perceived to be a Unionist/Loyalist area but because of changes in

demography during the Troubles, now perceived to be a Nationalist

6

area. The issue was brought to a head when an Apprentice Boys parade

was prevented by the RUC from parading along the Ormeau Road on

Monday 17 April 1995.

2.9 Portadown again became the centre of attention on 9 July when

Orangemen leaving Drumcree Church were advised by the RUC that

their safety could not be guaranteed if they paraded along the Garvaghy

Road. However the Orangemen were determined that they would remain

at Drumcree Church until they were allowed to walk into Portadown

along the Garvaghy Road. A stand-off therefore developed which

continued until the morning of Tuesday 11 July when the parade was

permitted by the RUC to walk along Garvaghy Road following what

Nationalists described as an accommodation and the Orangemen

portrayed as a victory. In the meantime, agreement had been reached

between the Orange Order, the Royal Black Institution and the LOCC on

the evening of Monday 10 July regarding Parades through the Lower

Ormeau. However following events at Drumcree/Garvaghy Road the

agreement collapsed.

1996

2.10 Attempts were made to reach an accommodation for parades in

Portadown in 1996. No accommodation was reached by Saturday 6

July and the Chief Constable therefore ruled that the return journey of

the parade scheduled for Sunday 7 July should be re-routed away from

Garvaghy Road. Following the Church Service the Orangemen did not

disperse. Over the following days supporters converged on Drumcree

and in addition there was widespread disorder throughout the Province.

7

As accommodation had not been reached by 11 July the Chief Constable

decided that a reduced parade should be allowed to walk along the

Garvaghy Road. This decision sparked off public disorder in many

Nationalist areas of Northern Ireland which became worse after the

Chief Constable allowed a parade to go down the Ormeau Road the

following day under a heavy police presence. Throughout the

remainder of 1996 residents’ groups protested against various parades

throughout the Province. Unionists/Loyalists believed that as senior RUC

officers had visited Maryfield prior to the parades in July, the decisions

by the RUC to stop parades was political and influenced by the

Government of the Republic of Ireland.

Independent Review of Parades and Marches ('The North Report')

2.11 Following the events of the Summer in 1996 the Secretary of State

made a statement in the House of Commons indicating that he intended

to set up a review that would make recommendations on the

management of future controversial marches. The terms of reference

for the Review were announced by the Secretary of State on 24 July

with the provision that it should make recommendations by the end of

January 1997.

2.12 The Independent Review of Parades and Marches was launched on

28 August and comprised of Dr Peter North, Chairman; Father Oliver

Crilly and Very Reverend John Dunlop. The review reported on

30 January 1997 and Chapter 4 of this report details a brief summary of

the recommendations of their report.

8

Review of Parades by the Forum

2.13 This Committee was set up by the Forum to look at the issue of

parades following the events of the Summer of 1996. The Committee

decided that in order to compile a report on this issue it was necessary

to:

- understand how parades were viewed by both sides of the

community;

- ascertain if the nature, frequency or routing of parades was likely

to have contributed to the protests against parades by the Loyal

Orders and bands;

- attempt to establish why these protests have suddenly intensified

over recent years;

- establish the role mediation had played in the parades issue, how

successful it had been to date and if there was a role for mediation

in future hostile parade situations; and

- ascertain the role the RUC have played and the difficulties they

have faced when policing contentious parades.

2.14 The Committee therefore decided to write to a wide range of groups

and organisations listed at Appendix B seeking their views and

9

comments and took oral evidence from groups and individuals listed in

Appendix C.

2.15 The Committee made substantial efforts to try to obtain the views of

both communities and wrote on several occasions to groups and

organisations representing the Nationalist community. The only

residents group who expressed an interest in giving evidence to the

Committee did not make any submissions in sufficient time and

consequently missed several deadlines set by the Committee for the

receipt of evidence. The Committee did all it could to hold the door

open for such evidence but having extended its deadline twice decided

that the offer to provide evidence to the Committee was more for

public consumption than for the education of the Committee.

10

2.16 The following chapters of this report summarise the findings and

recommendations of the Committee on the parades issue.

11

3. POINTS ARISING FROM EVIDENCE

3.1 During the Committee's examination of the Parades issue it received 34

written submissions from individuals, Loyal Orders, Churches, political

parties and various organisations and heard over 15 hours of oral

evidence. A list of those who submitted written evidence and gave oral

evidence is provided in Appendix C.

3.2 A summary of the main points arising from evidence provided to the

Committee is contained in the following paragraphs. Minutes of

evidence from which this summary was taken have been included in

Volume II of this report, a copy of which is available from the Forum

Secretariat.

GENERAL

3.3 The fundamental right to parade was accepted by all who provided

evidence and it was pointed out to the Committee in the course of the

review that in other countries certain fundamental rights are enshrined

in either the constitution of the country or in a Bill of Rights. However

some groups cautioned that while perceived identities are important and

perceived traditions should be respected , sensitivity and understanding

also have to be present. It was also recognised by all that those taking

part in parades should act in a responsible manner.

3.4 It was also recognised and accepted by all that the majority of parades

pass off peacefully.

12

ISSUES ASSOCIATED WITH PARADES AND PROTESTS

3.5 The evidence provided to the Committee identified the following

issues:-

3.6 Organisers of parades consider that the authorities have chosen to take

action against the legal parade rather than the illegal opposition to the

parade. It was generally believed that this action was as a result of the

Public Order (NI) Order 1987 which many see as being flawed. One of

the problems identified is that Article 4 of this Order specifies that

conditions may be imposed on a parade or march if there is a threat of

serious public disorder, serious damage to property or serious

disruption to the life of a community, or if the intention of the

organisers is to intimidate others. The intention of this Article is the

prevention of disorder and violence but the effect is that a peaceful

parade may be stopped, re-routed or banned because the protest against

it is deemed likely to cause civil disorder - the legislation therefore

rewards those resorting to the greatest threat of violence. Additionally

many are concerned about the lack of application of Article 7 of the

Order which makes it an offence to prevent or hinder any lawful

procession. Many now therefore see the Public Order (NI) Order 1987

becoming a lawbreakers charter.

3.7 Evidence suggested that judgements on parades has resulted in the

relationship between the RUC and the Unionist/Loyalist community

being damaged.

13

3.8 Evidence showed that the perceived interference by the Government of

the Republic of Ireland and the Maryfield Secretariat was deemed to be

unhelpful by the Unionist/Loyalist population.

3.9 Evidence also showed that the Unionist/Loyalist population believe that

they have made as many concessions as possible with nothing given in

reciprocation - examples given by the organisers of parades during the

course of the evidence include the reduction in parades, re-routing etc.

However some evidence indicated that Nationalists do not understand

the need for parading and view the parades issue as a symptom of

domination and privilege while on the other side, Unionists/Loyalists do

not understand the reaction of Nationalists to those parades and view

the parades issue as symbolic of the need to defend civil and religious

liberty.

3.10 It was apparent from the evidence that the visible contesting of parades

has emerged since the cease-fires and that there has been an increase

and a degree of co-ordination, in the efforts of parade opponents in

making parades contentious. Some groups were adamant that the

protests against parades are politically motivated by Sinn Fein/IRA

given the history and political affiliation of some of the leaders of the

residents’ groups and that Sinn Fein/IRA has identified the parades

issue as an area where it could create communal confrontation,

manufacture a Nationalist sensitivity and engineer a situation of conflict

between the Unionists/Loyalists and the security forces. This has

resulted in genuine accommodation between organisers and protesters

14

being made more complex, if not impossible, because Sinn Fein as a

political organisation has identified and developed an issue it can exploit.

However it was recognised by some groups that Sinn

Fein/IRA/Residents’ groups did not speak for all the residents in the

area and that while there may be some residents with genuine concerns

their opinion was not always allowed to be expressed.

3.11 Other evidence provided suggested that reasons for the protests since

the cease-fire include the fact that Nationalists' expectations arising on

foot of the 'peace process' had led them to think that parades was one

area where things would be different and while they were prepared to

tolerate parades in the past they are therefore unwilling to tolerate

parades anymore.

3.12 Evidence also showed that the part played by certain sections of the

media did not help in that they hyped up the situation and did not

always accurately record the facts, examples of which included little

attention paid to any compromise by the organisers of parades and

Garvaghy Road continually being referred to as Garvaghy Estate.

SOLUTIONS RECOMMENDED FROM EVIDENCE

3.13 In the evidence provided to the Committee the following solutions were

suggested.

3.14 It was generally accepted that improved community relations could not

be achieved through the repression of legitimate expressions of culture.

15

Evidence provided suggested that a way must be found to

accommodate both communities and that both communities had to

learn to trust one another and respect each others’ susceptibilities and

fears.

16

3.15 It was apparent from the evidence that there was some diversity of

views as to whether contentious parades should be brokered locally or

whether a Province-wide solution would be better. It was generally

agreed by those who gave evidence that while it was important to listen

to genuine representatives of local communities the principle of consent

was counterproductive in resolving the Parades issue. Evidence

showed that people believed that the principle of consent is contrary to

the right of free expression and peaceful assembly and that taken to its

lowest common denominator could well result in anarchy.

3.16 Furthermore, evidence given to the Committee advocated tolerance of

parades as opposed to the principle of consent as the best way

forward. However it was pointed out that while the absence of consent

is an important element in the decision making process the principle of

consent could not be taken as an overriding or predominant principle.

It was also pointed out in the evidence that it would be impossible to

judge consent and decide on the level of consent ie 70%, 80% etc.

3.17 Some groups in their evidence proposed the setting up of an

independent tribunal which would act as an advisory body to facilitate

the RUC in considering any local conflict or to facilitate any disputes

that arise over a parade and attempt to bring some form of consensus

on the outcome. Other evidence suggested that such a tribunal should

have the power to decide which parades lacked sufficient consensus

and where there was insufficient consensus the tribunal could appoint a

mediator or convene a tribunal for arbitration.

17

3.18 However those who gave evidence in favour of an independent tribunal

recognised that such a body would in itself bring another set of

problems such as the membership, composition and impartiality of the

body. One suggestion put forward in the evidence to overcome this

problem was that such a body could be set up on a similar basis to the

Fair Employment Commission where the people sitting on that body are

not widely known and where they work to a set of clearly stated

principles.

3.19 While those giving evidence generally agreed that the final decision

should rest with the RUC some evidence suggested that the final

decision should be a political one rather than one of Public Order.

However, where it was indicated that the final decision should lie with

the RUC it was noted that the RUC should have clear and unambiguous

guidelines which should be made clear to the public. Evidence also

suggested that the RUC should be precluded from engaging in

mediation and that the role of the Police should be either to uphold

consensual arrangements or to enforce rulings made by other

authorities.

3.20 It was also clear from the evidence that a Code of Practice which was

acceptable to both communities and which should have a legal standing

should be drawn up. It was also pointed out that such a code could,

inter alia, be useful in setting the standard of behaviour required from

marchers and bandsmen but equally describing behaviour acceptable (

or not acceptable) from protesters.

18

3.21 Dialogue was another solution included in the evidence provided to the

Committee. Some of the Loyal Orders involved in organising Parades

indicated their willingness to talk to the Nationalist community to

ascertain what exactly was offensive to them and to attempt to come to

some agreement. Indeed a few had done so previously. However

experience showed attempts to broker deals had not been very

successful - signed agreements had been broken at the eleventh hour,

agreements reached with representatives of Residents' Groups were

rescinded when they had gone back to their respective communities

and reports were received that some Residents’ Groups had claimed

that they were not interested in a compromise.

3.22 Some groups were of the opinion that it would be useful if a formal

means of mediation could be found to handle the contentious parades

issue successfully and to provide clear guidance on how what have

been described as competing rights can be accommodated.

3.23 Other suggestions provided in the evidence to help ease some of the

problems surrounding the parades issue included:

- that the Secretary of State should adopt the existing power to

register bands - by means of a simple process through the Clerk of

Petty Sessions in a Magistrates Court, - the registration could be

renewed on an annual basis in the absence from any objection from

the RUC;

19

- that the required period of notification for Parades should be

extended from 7 to 28 days to allow more time for discussions of

issues arising, for a decision to be made and an opportunity to

appeal the decision if necessary. The payment of a nominal fee or a

bond was also recommended in some evidence. However the

organisers of Parades did not agree with the payment of a fee or a

bond as they felt that they had already paid their taxes.

20

4. INDEPENDENT REVIEW OF PARADES AND MARCHES -

A SUMMARY OF 'THE NORTH REPORT'

4.1 The Independent Review of Parades and Marches contains 43

recommendations which are proposed to form the basis for the

development of processes and procedures to address the issue of

conflict over parades.

4.2 The main focus of the report is on the creation of an independent body,

the Parades Commission, which would act as an objective mechanism

for groups directly affected by parades to articulate their concerns. This

Body would have the remit to develop an educational dimension to

facilitate its aims and as well as to promote mediation and encourage

local accommodation on marches that are controversial. The Body

would also have the function of setting up a mediation groups register

and monitoring contentious Parades and Marches.

4.3 The Review also recommends that the Commission should have the

final decision over the routing of marches but that in the event of the

determination of the Parades Commission being defied the RUC should

retain the power to intervene on public order grounds.

4.4 Other recommendations include extending the period of notice of a

parade from not less than 7 days to not less than 21 days; activating the

statutory provisions with regard to the registration of bands; introducing

a Code of Conduct with an appropriate statutory basis to cover the

behaviour of both participants in a parade and of protesters and

21

extending the provisions which apply in Great Britain for the control of

alcohol at sporting events to those people travelling to parades.

4.5 The then Secretary of State, Sir Patrick Mayhew made a statement to

the House of Commons on 30 January in response to the publication of

the North Report. He confirmed that he was going to have a period of

consultation, up until the end of March, on the proposal for an

independent body to take over the RUC’s decision-making powers in

respect of parades. He indicated that he would however proceed to set

up the commission with its mediation, conciliation and educational roles

and with the appointment of the five members to carry out these

functions. The independent Parades Commission was set up in March

1997.

4.6 Legislation has already been passed to lengthen the advance notice

period for parades and to give the RUC power to confiscate alcohol

being carried by individuals travelling to a parade.

4.7 The present Government which assumed power on 2 May has however

decided to implement in full the recommendations of the North Report.

The necessary legislation is currently being prepared.

4.8 The Committee has addressed the recommendations of the North Report

in the following chapter but would, at this point, make the following

general comments.

22

4.9 The Committee would query the body's independence given the

pre-determined views which have been publicly stated by some

members of the Commission.

4.10 The Committee regrets the failure of the then Secretary of State to

consult with Forum elected representatives prior to the implementation

of the Commission.

4.11 The Committee notes that such a Commission is being created as

another Quango which is not accountable and that no consideration was

given to setting up such a Commission as an elected body.

4.12 The Committee is also concerned that the involvement of this

Commission could be an obstacle in finding a solution for the Parades

issue and that indeed it could possibly compound the problem.

23

5. FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS

5.1 In order to compile its report the Committee agreed that it needed to

investigate certain aspects of the Parades issue and this chapter briefly

sets out the Committee's findings and conclusions on the role played by

those involved in the parades issue and how it has progressed to the

current situation.

5.2 To begin with, the Committee needed to understand how parades by

the Loyal Orders were viewed by both sides of the Community.

5.3 In order to understand the views of the Loyal Orders it may be useful

at this stage to set out the background and motivation behind each of

the main Loyal Orders.

Orange Order

The Loyal Orange Institution was formed in September 1795 and

celebrates, by way of parades, the victory of King William at the Battle

of the Boyne and other victories of the Williamite campaign in Ireland,

for example, the Siege of Derry, the Resistance of the Enniskillen men

and the Battle of Aughrim. The Williamite campaign in Ireland has

historical importance as it brought about the transition of the British

Isles from an absolute monarchy to a parliamentary democracy. The

Loyal Orange Institution advise that the Battle of the Boyne is

celebrated not because the victory guaranteed a Protestant Ascendancy

(given that Presbyterians were never part of that Ascendancy), but

24

rather because it guaranteed civil and religious liberty for all. This

philosophy remains central to the ethos of the Order and explains why

refusal by certain groups to accept this philosophy is difficult for the

Orange Order to comprehend.

In addition, the Orange Order celebrate the Battle of the Somme in

memory of those from both sides of the community who sacrificed

their lives.

Royal Black Institution

The Royal Black Institution was formed in September 1797 and is a

sister organisation to the Orange Institution but sees itself as

concentrating more on religious matters than the Orange Order. The

aims and objectives of the Royal Black Institution are based on

Christian teaching as found in Holy Scripture and on the principles of

Reformation. The members are encouraged to study the Scriptures and

to participate fully in the life and witness of the Christian Church. They

are also encouraged to act charitably and to be good citizens of their

respective countries. The Royal Black Institution organises processions

as a public manifestation of their Christian Faith.

Apprentice Boys of Derry

The Apprentice Boys of Derry is an historical organisation which holds

parades to commemorate two principal events - the closing of the city

gates by 13 apprentice boys in December 1688 and the relief of the

25

siege of the city in August 1689. The Apprentice Boys of Derry is

independent from the other Loyal Orders although many members are

also Orangemen. The first Apprentice Boys Club was formed in 1714

but the present organisation dates to 1814.

5.4 The representatives of the Loyal Orders firmly assert that parades are

very much part of their tradition and heritage, an expression of their

cultural identity and commemoration of their past. Evidence of this

was given to the Committee as follows:

“Parades, therefore, are very much part of the Orange tradition

and heritage, as 200 years ago the founding fathers decided that

parades were an appropriate medium to witness for their faith and

to celebrate their cultural heritage.

(Loyal Orange Institution)

"Processions to and from the service of Worship are an integral

part of the public manifestation of our Faith, in an endeavour to

encourage others to join us and to participate in the benefits

derived by coming together for Public Worship."

(Royal Black Institution)

”We go out to remember - to commemorate our past in the manner

that has been laid down for us via our tradition and our culture.”

(Apprentice Boys of Derry)

26

5.5 The Loyal Orders also believe that the basic human right to assemble is

a cornerstone of democracy and stressed that the aim of their parades

is neither to exhibit triumphalism of one community over the other nor

to be offensive but rather to celebrate cultural, religious and historic

events.

27

5.6 The Loyal Orders also believe that there is a sense of confidence and

pride in taking part in a parade which gives the impression of continuity

through time and therefore a security of identity to those taking part.

5.7 Only a minority of Protestants in Northern Ireland are members of the

Loyal Orders but the Committee notes that the Northern Ireland-wide

survey commissioned by the North Commission indicates that 86% of

Protestants in the sample said that they were sympathetic or very

sympathetic to the concerns of the Loyal Orders.

5.8 Unfortunately the Committee was unable to obtain any views directly

from the Nationalist community, however information on their views

on parades was available to the Committee from other sources. During

the course of evidence given to the Committee the Community

Relations Council indicated that from the Council's experience

Nationalists do not understand the need for parading and that until

recently parades had been tolerated by the Nationalist community. The

North Report confirms this view and states

“.........it was put very clearly to us by a broad spectrum of

Nationalist opinion who commented that, in a considerable

proportion of these areas (all parts of Northern Ireland) the

Nationalists had not enjoyed the spectacle of parades. To quote a

term that was used on a number of occasions, parades in such

areas were at best “grudgingly tolerated” and had been for many

years”.

28

5.9 Other evidence given to the Committee indicates that Nationalists

believe Orange marches to be sectarian and triumphalist and that it is

the Nationalists' perception that there is a continuing attempt to show

the domination and the in-state status of the Orange and other Orders

(as opposed to the out-state position of Nationalists). This, the

Nationalists believe, is a throw-back to the past, is associated with past

wrongs and therefore intolerable.

5.10 Neil Jarman and Dominic Bryan in their discussion document, Parade

and Protest - A Discussion of Parading Disputes in NI state

“........One member of a residents group explained the resentment

to Orange Parades simply: it is about oppression, continued

oppression.

The perception that the Orange Institution is an ‘instrument of

oppression’ is drawn firstly from the understanding that the

commemoration of the Battle of the Boyne is ‘triumphalist’ - the

commemoration of a victory of Protestants over Roman Catholics

- and secondly from the actual experiences of many Catholics

since Northern Ireland was established. .....”

“.......The Orange Institution, however, is seen as more than

simply symbolising triumphalism. It was, and to a certain extent is,

part of the Northern Ireland state, from which many Catholics feel

alienated........”

29

5.11 It is therefore evident to the Committee that parades by Loyal

Orders are viewed very differently by both sides of the

community and that the respective groups do not understand

each other's views and consequently misinterpret each other's

actions.

5.12 The Committee concludes that, as is the case in a democratic

society, the fundamental right of freedom of assembly and

procession must be upheld.

5.13 Recognising that the lack of understanding between communities was a

major hurdle to be overcome, the Committee decided to ascertain if the

nature, frequency or routing of parades was likely to have contributed

in any way to the protests against parades organised by the Loyal

Orders. There are several categories of parades held by the Loyal

Orders - all of which the Loyal Orders advise have a different purpose.

The main categories are as follows:

Main Commemorative Parades

These parades are regarded as the most significant events of the

marching season and include for example the parades held each year

throughout the Province by the Orange and Black Institutions on the

Twelfth of July and 13 July respectively to mark the Battle of the

Boyne; Black demonstrations at 6 venues throughout the Province on

the last Saturday in August and the Apprentice Boys ‘Relief of Derry’

30

on or near 12 August. These parades are likely to attract the largest

number of participants and onlookers.

31

Feeder Parades

These parades are usually held by local lodges, preceptories and

branches on the day of the main commemorative parades and involve a

short parade by the local lodge, preceptory or branch from their hall to

a point of departure for the main parade or in some cases to the start of

the main parade. These parades may be through part of the local town

or village.

Local Parades

These parades are in addition to the main commemorative parades and

may commemorate more localised events or anniversaries. This

category would also include Orange ‘mini-twelfth’ parades which are

held from mid-June to the beginning of July and Somme

commemoration parades which are held on, or near to, 1 July. Also

included in this category would be parades for the unfurling and

dedication by a cleric of a local lodge's new banner which would take

place around a local area and to which other lodges would be invited.

Church Parades

All lodges parade to and from church services held on a number of

Sundays throughout the ‘marching season’. Lodges will parade from

their hall to the appropriate church and usually other lodges are invited

to attend these parades.

32

5.14 The Loyal Orders stressed that all parades have some celebrative or

commemorative motivation behind them and that they are not held to

create problems, or to give offence. They pointed out that their

parades proceed along main arterial routes and through commercial

areas and not through Roman Catholic housing estates or streets

leading off main roads as had been inaccurately reported in the media.

5.15 Evidence given suggested that the number and frequency of Loyal

Order parades cause great irritation for some within the Nationalist

community. Jarman and Bryan in their discussion document Parade

and Protest note that:

“The number of parades that take place appears to many

Nationalists to be threatening and a constant irritation. All the

organisations seem to be the same to them - Orange, Black,

Apprentice Boys - the same people with the same bands. The

reasons for the parades appear to be just another excuse to impose

themselves in areas where they are not wanted; it is argued that it

is not necessary to hold a parade to go to church........”

5.16 The Loyal Orders however claim that the number of parades has

reduced throughout the years and gave evidence as follows:

“Within No 10 District, if we go back to the 1970s and 1960s,

nearly every individual lodge floated its banner - which would

involve a parade around various parts of the Ormeau Road. No

lodge now does that on the Ormeau Road. Individual lodges only

33

parade if they get a new banner and wish to unfurl it on parade.

Other parades have also been curtailed. We combined the main

district parades into one district parade. When that parade became

difficult to manage, we actually took it away from the contentious

area.”

(Ballynafeigh District LOL

of the County Grand

Orange

Lodge of Belfast)

“This walk is the only one left out of a total of 10 which involved

walking through areas where people claimed to be offended. In

fact a decision was made by Portadown Lodges in 1995, after the

first parade at Drumcree was stopped, that they would re-route

themselves on 12 July morning, walk away from the

Garvaghy Road area and actually go on to Northway. We,

therefore, believe that we have given enough and have no more

left to give.”

(Portadown LOL of the County Grand Orange Lodge

of Armagh on parade along Garvaghy Road)

“Prior to 1968, up to 1970 the walls were open and the

Apprentice Boys paraded. We used to parade on the walls twice a

year, on 12 August and 18 December. Because of the situation we

decided that we would only parade on the walls once a year, and

that would be 12 August, which would be the main parade day.”

(Apprentice Boys of Derry)

34

5.17 Nationalists further claim that certain aspects of parades could have a

threatening and intimidatory effect and informed the North Commission

that these include the number and behaviour of bands, their paramilitary

appearance and colour parties, the behaviour of some of the

‘hangers-on’ and - on occasions - the numbers of marchers

themselves.

5.18 Jarman and Bryan in their discussion document Parade and Protest also

note that

“There is much about a parade that can be perceived as

triumphalist. The banners carry images of battle and individuals

deemed central to the Protestant cause. Not only is King

William’s sword invariably aloft, but the ranks of the individuals

on parade are guarded by weapons such as swords and pikes,

albeit that these weapons are symbolic and ceremonial”.

5.19 However, the Loyal Orders explained to the Committee that they view

Orange Parades as a display of pageantry and that the flags carried are

full of cultural, religious and political symbolism as well as adding to

the colour of the occasion. They advise that each Lodge chooses the

picture to be painted on the banner and they vary from historical events

(eg William crossing the Boyne, Battle of the Somme); religious scenes

or historical personages like Carson, Churchill, Kings and Queens;

portraits of deceased members of that particular lodge and local scenes

like local churches and historical buildings.

35

5.20 The Loyal Orders have not ignored the attacks and criticisms made on

their parades, for example all bands engaged by the Loyal Orders must

sign a Conditions of Engagement contract which comprises of clauses

covering uniformity and dignity on parade, intoxicating liquor, bands

attending church services, the use of hymn tunes and sacred march

arrangements at church parades as well as the carrying of flags. The

Orange Order confirmed that sanctions against bands breaking the

condition of engagement have included for example a blanket ban on

Orange Lodges engaging the offending band in the future.

5.21 The Orange Order admitted that at times there were actions by certain

members which were disappointing to say the least but confirmed that

disciplinary action was taken against them. All the Loyal Orders

confirmed that they have an internal code of conduct in place

governing the conduct of members and if contravened sanctions with

varying degrees of severity are imposed which can include members

being suspended or expelled. Marshals are appointed by each of the

Loyal Orders for the purpose of ensuring that those who take part in

the processions adhere to the strict regulations of each Order.

5.22 However, the Loyal Orders believe that while they are willing to be

responsible for managing the good conduct of those participating in

parades, they cannot be expected to steward observers or

"hangers-on". They believe that the responsibility for ensuring good

behaviour of such members of the public must properly remain with

the RUC.

36

5.23 The Committee notes the concerns regarding parades which have

been voiced by the Nationalist community but concludes that the

Orange Order have made some attempt to meet the criticisms

presented by the Nationalist community. It further concludes

that more work is however required to increase the

understanding between the two communities and lessen the

consequential misperceptions and misinterpretations surrounding

the parades issue.

5.24 The Committee also believes that action taken by the Loyal

Orders against the members who do not comply with the internal

code of conduct should be made more transparent to demonstrate

to the public that the actions of offending members are not

ignored.

5.25 The Committee also concludes that inaccurate and insensitive

reporting by the media is unhelpful.

5.26 The Committee recognises that historically there are examples of

trouble surrounding some parades but notes that even throughout the

period of the troubles in Northern Ireland and the many terrible

atrocities which occurred during this time, the confrontations were not

of the same intensity and frequency as those which have emerged

across the Province in recent years. The Committee also notes from

the evidence received that the parades by Loyal Orders are carried out

in the same manner or fashion as has been done over the years and that

37

they cannot identify any factors which would have provoked this

recent spate of protests.

5.27 When questioned by the Committee on this issue the Community

Relations Council stated that:

"a sort of visible contestation has emerged since the ceasefires.

The contestation over parades is in part at least a proxy conflict

about the wider Northern Ireland conflict - so the Northern Ireland

conflict has partly been played out on the streets. It is symbolic

activity about the wider Northern Ireland conflict. That is the first

thing. The second is that with many Catholics, parades were

tolerated although they were not particularly liked. Part of what

has happened since the ceasefires is that many Nationalists are

saying we want things to be different - so the contestation about

parades is partly about wanting things to be different ........."

"Just to add to that and to a certain extent a change in

demography. This means that parades are sometimes going

through areas that were perhaps shared - or were Protestant and

are now Catholic..........."

5.28 The Loyal Orders are however convinced that Sinn Fein have been

instrumental in orchestrating counter-protests to legal parades by Loyal

Orders and have manipulated and exploited residents’ groups and the

Parades issue to advance their own agenda. This is reinforced by the

38

fact that several residents’ groups are fronted by spokespersons who

are members of Sinn Fein.

5.29 Confirmation of this conclusion is given by a recent report by RTE’s

Prime Time programme which quoted the following extract from a

speech by Gerry Adams, the Sinn Fein president, to party officials:-

"Ask any activist in the North did Drumcree happen by accident

and they will tell you 'no'. Three years of work on the Lower

Ormeau Road, Portadown, in parts of Fermanagh and Newry,

Armagh and in Bellaghy and up in Derry.

Three years' work went into creating that situation and fair play to

those people who put the work in. These are the type of scene

changes that we have to focus in on and develop and exploit."

5.30 The Committee having reviewed all the evidence placed before

them concludes that Sinn Fein have been instrumental in

orchestrating counter-protests to legal parades by Loyal Orders

and have manipulated and exploited residents groups and the

parades issue to advance their own agenda.

5.31 The Committee also believes that following the ceasefires

community expectations were lifted to unrealistic levels and

Nationalists believed that parades was one area where things

would be different.

39

5.32 The Committee was also disappointed to note that the North

Commission made no mention of Sinn Fein/IRA and the role they

have played in creating disorder.

5.33 The Loyal Orders have come under some criticism in the media for not

entering into dialogue with members of the residents groups. However

the Committee accepts that the involvement of Sinn Fein/IRA in the

parades issue makes genuine accommodation between organisers and

protesters more difficult because Sinn Fein has identified and developed

an issue they can and will exploit. However the Committee notes

that attempts had been made by the Loyal Orders to broker local

agreements between members of the Loyal Orders and concerned

residents, but that these agreements were rejected when the

representatives of the concerned residents had gone to seek

endorsement from their community or that the Loyal Orders had

received reports from some residents groups that they were not

interested in a compromise. These facts are however seldom

reflected in the media.

5.34 Representatives of the Presbyterian Church in Ireland told the

Committee:

"Whilst not wanting in any way to disclose the confidential nature

of the discussions that we had at the time of Drumcree, there was

certainly a very strong, outgoing attitude on the part of the

40

Orange representatives who were making representations to the

Garvaghy Road representatives. They were prepared to go a fair

distance with what they were trying to use, not as a bargaining

point, but as the basis of an agreement - how they could arrive at

a just and equitable settlement of the situation. Time really was

against the possibility of that succeeding then .........."

5.35 Recognising the difficulties that meaningful dialogue posed between the

organisers and the protesters the Committee set out to ascertain what

role mediation had played in the parades issue, how successful it had

been to date and if there was a role for mediation in future hostile

parade situations. The Mediation Network advised the Committee that

they had been addressing the parades conflict since being invited to

Portadown in May 1995. They advised that some parade conflicts are

solvable and are therefore open to what they call a process of conflict

resolution; but some are not. In these more intractable situations it may

be realistic to design strategies to manage the conflict. The Mediation

Network recognise that it is unrealistic to expect dialogue to take place

between the Loyal Orders and residents and that they are providing a

third-party intervention to whom both sides should feel confident to

speak to and who can reasonably hope to deliver on any arrangements

which might ultimately be agreed. They feel that third parties should

only become involved when the people concerned cannot sort it out

themselves and they recognise that they have to be careful that they do

not become colonised or manipulated by one side or the other in the

parades conflict.

41

5.36 Unfortunately the Mediation Network did not feel that they were in a

position at this time to give an indication of their successes to date

because many of the parade situations in which they have been

involved are still too recent, outgoing and sensitive. However they

pointed out that in some situations which could be viewed in the

immediate term as a failure they have found from experience that

within these failures certain seeds get planted that people want to return

to later.

5.37 The Committee believes that mediation will have a role in

promoting greater understanding but concludes that it will only be

productive and worthwhile if it is initiated and carried out by

those people involved in any contentious parade or protest and if

the mediatory body can deliver on any arrangements which might

ultimately be agreed and do not adjudicate or issue personal

statements regarding any of the situations in which they are

involved.

5.38 Another organisation which has been criticised for their role in the

parades conflict is the RUC. Unfortunately, while the RUC were

willing to provide evidence to the Committee, they requested that it

remain confidential.

5.39 The Committee has already acknowledged in this chapter that in a

democratic society the right to parade must be upheld. With such a

right the Committee has accepted that there is a responsibility on the

42

part of the organisers but notes that additionally there is a duty on the

part of the RUC to ensure the maintenance of public order.

5.40 The legislation which governs the policing of parades is the Public

Order (Northern Ireland) Order 1987 . This Order provides a legal

framework for the maintenance of order at public meetings and

processions and is applicable to those parading and protesting. Article

4.1 of the Order sets out the legal parameters whereby a senior police

officer, having regard to the time or place, and the circumstances in

which any public procession or meeting is being held, or is intended to

be held, and to its route or proposed route, may impose conditions.

Conditions can only be imposed if the officer reasonably believes that

serious public disorder, serious damage to property , serious disruption

to the life of the community may occur, or if the purpose of the

persons organising the parade is the intimidation of others. The purpose

of conditions imposed by the police is to prevent such disorder,

damage and disruption or intimidation and they can include restrictions

on the route of the parade or prohibit entry to a specified place.

5.41 The Public Order (NI) Order 1987 is generally opposed by Unionists/

Loyalists because of what they see as the input of the Government of

the Republic of Ireland into the framing of the legislation in the removal

of the protection for traditional parades.

5.42 Evidence given to the Committee as set out in paragraph 3.7 of this

report shows that it is generally believed that this legislation is flawed

and the Loyal Orders indicate that as a result the RUC have chosen to

43

take action against the legal parade rather than the illegal opposition to

the parade. This legislation is therefore seen to be rewarding those

resorting to the greatest level of violence and is additionally seen as a

law breakers charter.

5.43 Unfortunately, the recent experience of the Loyal Orders is that

agreements regarding parades which have been made in good faith with

senior Police Officers have quickly been set aside when threats of

violent protests from other groups have been initiated. The role of the

police in such situations, rather than applying the powers invested in

them by the legislation, would appear to have been reduced to

intermediaries. This role places the police in the most invidious position

and has the effect of undermining the credibility of the relevant

legislation. It also places the organisers of legally notified and agreed

parades under duress and feeling that the police have given no regard to

the rights of those wishing to parade.

5.44 The perception by the Loyal Orders is that political decisions are

dictating policing policy. They believe that all public order decisions

must be clearly decided upon by the Chief Constable without

interference or constraints from any political source.

5.45 In this context the Loyal Orders also indicated that the continuing

interference of the Government of the Republic of Ireland in the

parades issue through the Maryfield Secretariat has been provocative

and unsettling. Representatives from the Presbyterian Church during

the course of giving evidence confirmed that:

44

“We as a church in our dealings with the Irish Government have

said very clearly that it is unhelpful when they are perceived to be

interfering in the affairs of Northern Ireland.”

5.46 The Committee therefore concludes that for reasons already set

out in this report the Public Order legislation is inadequate and

provides incentives to threaten disorder in opposition to parades.

It further concludes that the removal of the protection of

traditional parades under the legislation is a contributing factor to

the current situation.

5.47 The Committee accepts that the North Report recognises the

inadequacies in the Public Order (Northern Ireland) Order 1987

but is disappointed to note that the report did not make any

recommendations as to how the legislation should be changed.

5.48 The Committee further concludes that the involvement of the

Government of the Republic of Ireland in the decisions about

banning or re-routing of parades is unhelpful.

5.49 The Committee concludes that the final decision regarding the

routing of parades must remain with the RUC as it believes that

decisions which could ultimately affect the stability of a

community should remain with the body which has the expertise

to deal with such matters.

45

5.50 The Committee believes that the RUC must take the appropriate

action against the law-breakers and recognise any agreement

which has been reached with those organising parades.

5.51 The Committee does not therefore agree with the main

recommendation in the North Report that an independent

Parades Commission should be established to assume the

responsibility for making the final decisions on the banning of or

imposing conditions on Parades.

5.52 The North report also recommends that the Parades Commission

should have the remit to promote mediation and conciliation.

However the Committee does not believe that a body can be both

a mediator and adjudicator. The Committee has already indicated

in this report that there may be a role for mediation but firmly

believes that procedures which relate to mediation must be kept

quite separate from those relating to decision-making.

46

6. RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 The Committee recognising the lack of understanding between the two

communities recommends the implementation of a programme

explaining the culture and tradition behind traditional parades by the

Loyal Orders.

6.2 The Committee recommends that consideration should be given, in

consultation with the organisers of parades, for the implementation of a

Code of Practice based on the those currently operated by the Loyal

Orders. The Committee therefore recommends that in this respect it

should commence discussions with the Loyal Orders without any

delay. Such a Code of Practice could then be adopted by other bodies

organising parades.

6.3 The Committee recommends that the Government addresses the flaws

contained in the Public Order legislation so that the law will recognise

the fundamental right of peaceful assembly and procession by all legal

organisations not supporting terrorism, and not reward those resorting

to the greatest threat of violence, which it does at present.

6.4 The Committee recommends that the RUC should ensure the proper

enforcement of Article 7 of the Public Order (NI) Order 1987 and

strongly urges the RUC to ensure that the law is enforced equitably and

fairly.

47

6.5 The Committee also recommends that traditional parades should be

given protection under the public order legislation.

6.6 The Committee recommends that HMG should make it clear to the

Government of the Republic of Ireland that parades should remain a

matter for the people of Northern Ireland and that their interference in

the parades issue is unhelpful and exacerbates tensions.

6.7 The Committee recommends that it should make representations to the

Secretary of State, Minister for Security and the Chief Constable to

discuss the findings of this report.

6.8 The Committee recommends that it continues to monitor the situation

surrounding the Parades issue and believes that there may be merit in

the Committee viewing some parades throughout the summer.

48

APPENDIX A

MEMBERSHIP OF

STANDING COMMITTEE A

(PUBLIC ORDER ISSUES)

FOR EXAMINATION OF PARADES ISSUE

Ulster Unionist Party - Mr J Donaldson MP - Vice-Chairman

Mr R J White

Mr J Rodgers

Mr I Davis

Democratic Unionist Party - Mr N Dodds

Mr J McKee

Mrs I Robinson (substituted by

Ian Paisley Jnr)

Mr M Carrick

Alliance Party - #Mr S McBride

#Sir O Napier

Ulster Democratic Party - *Mr J English

UK Unionist Party - Mr C Wilson - Chairman

Labour - ø

Mr H Casey

NI Women's Coalition - ø

*Mrs B McCabe

*attend the Committee on behalf of the party under Rule 14(4)(a) of the

Forum Rules of Procedure.

. #resigned from the Committee on 24 February 1997.

ø

resigned from the Committee on 28 February 1997.

49

APPENDIX B

GROUPS AND ORGANISATIONS INVITED TO MAKE SUBMISSIONS

TO THE COMMITTEE

ORGANISATION DATE CONTACTED

DATE SUBMISSION

RECEIVED BY

COMMITTEE

Police Authority NI 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 20 FEBRUARY 1997

The Boys' Brigade 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 SEPTEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

The Catholic Boy Scouts of Ireland 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

The Catholic Guides of Ireland 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

Girl Guides 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

The Girls' Brigade 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

Independent Orange Order 8 OCTOBER 1996 24 OCTOBER 1996

RUC 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 7 NOVEMBER 1996

Portadown LOL 8 OCTOBER 1996 17 OCTOBER 1996

The Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland 8 OCTOBER 1996 16 JANUARY 1997

The Royal Black Institution 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 12 DECEMBER 1996

Donegall Pass Community Group 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 17 OCTOBER 1996

Lower Ormeau Concerned

Community

30 SEPTEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

Garvaghy Road Residents'

Association

30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

Bogside Residents' Group 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

Bellaghy Concerned Residents 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

The Ancient Order of Hibernians 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

16 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

50

51

ORGANISATION DATE CONTACTED

DATE SUBMISSION

RECEIVED BY

COMMITTEE

The Apprentice Boys of Derry 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

Cardinal Cathal Daly Catholic Church 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

The Northern Ireland Scout Council 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 18 NOVEMBER 1996

The Methodist Church in Ireland 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

Green Party 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 7 NOVEMBER 1996

Church of Ireland 30 SEPTEMBER 1996

12 DECEMBER 1996

Presbyterian Church in Ireland 30 SEPTEMBER 1996 4 OCTOBER 1996

Workers' Party 17 DECEMBER 1996

13 FEBRUARY 1997

The Mediation Network for NI 17 DECEMBER 1996 30 JANUARY 1997

Democratic Left 17 DECEMBER 1996 23 JANUARY 1997

Cardinal Sean Brady Catholic Church 17 DECEMBER 1996 23 JANUARY 1997

Bishop Francis Brooks Catholic Church 17 DECEMBER 1996

Bishop Seamus Hegarty Catholic

Church

17 DECEMBER 1996

Bishop Patrick Walsh Catholic Church 17 DECEMBER 1996

Mr David Trimble MP UUP 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996 23 JANUARY 1997

Rev Dr I R K Paisley MP MEP DUP 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996 30 JANUARY 1997

Mr John Hume MP MEP SDLP 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996

22 JANUARY 1997

11 FEBRUARY 1997

The Lord Alderdice Alliance 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996 9 JANUARY 1997

Mr R L McCartney QC MP UKUP 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996 30 JANUARY 1997

Mr H Smyth PUP 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996 20 FEBRUARY 1997

Ms M McWilliams NIWC 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996 30 JANUARY 1997

Mr M Curran Labour 5 NOVEMBER 1996

18 DECEMBER 1996

14 FEBRUARY 1997

Mr G McMichael UDP 5 NOVEMBER 1996 14 NOVEMBER 1996

52

APPENDIX C

STANDING COMMITTEE A

(PUBLIC ORDER ISSUES)

~~~~~~~

WRITTEN AND ORAL EVIDENCE

~~~~~~~

Written Evidence:

Written Evidence has been received from the following:

- Green Party

- Young Men's Christian Total Abstinence

- Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland

- University of Ulster Centre of Conflict

- Presbyterian Church in Ireland

- SACHR

- Scout Association

- Independent Orange Order

- Donegall Pass Community Group

- Portadown District LOL

- Dr Clifford Smyth

- W B Mitchell

- Ms E Calvert, Loyal Women of Ulster

- Stephen Boyd

- David Swann

- David Robinson

- Mrs Gladys Nixon

- Ulster Democratic Party

- Community Relations Council

- The Royal Black Institution

- Geoffrey Mitchell

53

- Alliance Party (NI)

- Democratic Left (NI)

- Cardinal Sean Brady (Roman Catholic Church)

- Ulster Unionist Party

- Northern Ireland Women's Coalition

- Democratic Unionist Party

- UK Unionist Party

- Mediation Network Of Northern Ireland

- Ms Julie Craig

- Professor Tom Hadden (QUB) and Anne Donnelly

- Police Authority (NI)

- Progressive Unionist Party

- NI Flute Band Association

Oral Evidence:

07.11.96 RUC (Evidence to remain Confidential)

14.11.96 Community Relations Council

21.11.96 Presbyterian Church in Ireland

" Mr D Bryan and Mr N Jarman Centre for the Study

of Conflict (UUC)

09.01.97 Royal Black Institution

16.01.97 Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland

23.01.97 Portadown LOL

" Ballynafeigh LOL

30.01.97 Mediation Network of Northern Ireland

06.02.97 The Apprentice Boys of Londonderry

" Rev Ian Paisley MP MEP/Dunloy LOL

07.02.97 Mr Robert McCartney MP

" Mr David Trimble MP

14.02.97 Mr David Trimble MP (Contd)

20.02.97 Professor Tom Hadden and Anne Donnell

Mr Robert McCartney MP (Contd)

56

Decisions yet to be taken

None

Document Timeline